The Waqf Board, in a bid to promote transparency and set its finances in order, has banned donations to caretakers of shrines and ousted them. The move threatens to consign ancient rituals to obscurity and push into penury families that have looked after the upkeep of the spiritual centres for centuries
The Waqf Board, in a bid to promote transparency and set its finances in order, has banned donations to caretakers of shrines and ousted them. The move threatens to consign ancient rituals to obscurity and push into penury families that have looked after the upkeep of the spiritual centres for centuries
As the sun sets on a Friday in Srinagar’s old city, 82-year-old Yaseen Zahra is awaiting the azan (call to prayer) at the entrance to the 600-year-old shrine of Shah Hamdan, which is dedicated to Persian saint Mir Sayyid Ali Hamdani, who propagated Islam in Kashmir in the 14th century.
Mr. Zahra is among the hundreds of ‘mujavirs’ (traditional caretakers of shrines) who were ousted after the Jammu and Kashmir Waqf Board, in an unprecedented move, issued a directive on August 18 banning “forcible donations across the shrines of J&K UT (Union Territory) with immediate effect”. The move brought to an end the centuries-old practice of ‘Nazr-o-Niyaz’— offerings from devotees to ‘mujavirs’, which is similar to the ‘chadhava’ given to priests who perform rituals in Hindu temples. The authority said the ban was imposed after several complaints from devotees about purported corruption.
Within 48 hours, scores of donation boxes were seized and over 100 ‘mujavirs’ and their belongings removed from prominent shrines in the Valley — including 36 caretakers from the Ashmuqam shrine in Anantnag, 20 from the Charar-e-Shareef shrine in Budgam and eight from the Khawaja Naqshband Sahib shrine in Srinagar. Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader and J&K Waqf Board chairperson Dr. Darakhshan Andrabi, 48, described the ban as “a cleanliness drive”. “The era of transparency has begun in the Waqf Board,” she said.
All 133 mosques and shrines in the Union Territory come under the direct control of the J&K Waqf Board in accordance with the J&K Reorganisation Act, 2019, which was introduced following the withdrawal of Article 370, granting special status to J&K, on August 5, 2019. The board receives no government funding and runs solely on donations.
The caretakers say the ban violates the Central Waqf Act, which allows them to accept donations and mandates that they hand over 7% of the collection at shrines to the board. Compared with the centralised revenue collection system of the now-abolished J&K Muslim Waqf Board, the new board had granted them powers to receive endowments in the form of cash and jewellery, recruit workers and manage their own affairs.
Though the dislodging of ‘mujavirs’ and removal of donation boxes might lead to a rise in the Waqf Board’s monthly collection by 15%-20%, it threatens to consign ancient rituals performed by them to obscurity and push into penury families that have looked after the upkeep of the shrines for centuries.
“It seems our ‘pir’ (saint Hamdani) is upset with our misdeeds. We have never heard of such government orders in the past. We pray every day for sanity to prevail and restoration of the old order, which has been in place for centuries,” says Mr. Zahra, who is no longer allowed to collect ‘niyaz’ dropped by devotees into ‘saisen’ (donation) boxes placed at fixed points on the premises of shrines. In return, ‘mujavirs’ offered ‘Tabarruk’ (small, crunchy sugar balls and dates), just like ‘prasad’ in temples.
Mr. Zahra’s ‘saisen’ box was seized on August 19 by Waqf Board officials who raided the shrine along with policemen wielding automatic guns. “We wanted to protest against the move. But the policemen pointed guns at us. What can one do when guns are aimed at you? One policeman even warned that an FIR would be lodged against us if we protested, keeping us in jail for months. We allowed them to take the donation boxes without putting up any resistance. Now, we await the ‘pir’ to deliver his justice,” says the caretaker whose movements are being monitored by the board officials posted at the shrine.
Apart from being a ‘mujavir’, affiliated with the Hamdania school of thought, Mr. Zahra is a ‘khateeb’, who recites ‘Awrad-e-Fathiyyah’ and ‘naats’ (verses in praise of Allah and his Prophet), at the shrine. ‘Awrad-e-Fathiyyah’, introduced by saint Hamdani in the 14th century, is a litany extolling monotheism, a practice unique to Kashmir, which is recited at dawn in mosques and shrines. The practice, however, is not followed by several other orthodox sects of Islam. In Kashmir, ‘Awrad’ has become central to a section of devotees from the Hanafi school of thought.
Traditionally, every shrine in Kashmir has two types of donation boxes: one to collect ‘Nazr-o-Niyaz’ and the other to receive ‘Tameer-o-Taraqi’ (money for the Waqf Board to undertake maintenance of shrines). Though the board’s boxes are placed at prominent spots at the shrines, devotees can place money in the boxes of their choice.
A close look at the J&K Waqf Board’s finances in 2019-20 shows that a whopping ₹15 crore of its annual revenue of ₹20 crore to ₹26 crore went towards paying the salaries of its staff.
Caught in the cross hairs
In the ban order, Ishtiyaq Mohiuddin, an executive magistrate at the Waqf Board, had directed officials “to paste notices with helpline numbers at conspicuous places within ‘ziyarats’ (shrines) requesting the public to inform them about such elements (‘mujavirs’)”. He also warned of disciplinary action in case of “dereliction or laxity by any Waqf employees”, who are largely drawn from non-Peers and non-Syeds.
Peers and Syeds are two classes that monopolised the study of the religious scriptures and their propagation in Kashmir. Most members of these families, either by virtue of lineage or affiliation, have been caretakers of Sufi shrines for centuries. Non-Peers and non-Sayeds do not have much say in the ritualistic matters of shrines.
“Despite coming from a reasonably sound economic background, such people (‘mujavirs’) are permanently occupying particular spots within shrines for their activities. There were instances where such spots were outsourced or given on contract against the receipt of large sums of money, violating the sanctity of the shrines,” Mr. Mohiuddin says.
However, the Waqf Board has not yet filed a police complaint against any caretaker for malpractice or auctioning of spots at shrines. In fact, shrines in Kashmir are now facing a fresh challenge — the new generation is moving away from Sufi practices to more scriptural interpretations by scholars of other orthodox sects in Islam. Over time, the footfall at shrines has dipped considerably in the Valley. The changing discourse in society has made it easy to whip up a frenzy against the ‘mujavirs’.
Mr. Mohiuddin terms donations to ‘mujavirs’, who are mainly Peers, “pilferages” that severely limit the board’s ability to extend charity and carry out activities for the uplift of the poor and disadvantaged groups in society. “It also restricts the board from providing facilities to the ‘zaireen’ (devotees) and carrying out infrastructural improvements at shrines,” he says.
To drum up support for the move, the Waqf officials took to social media. Their highly political posts received a positive response from netizens, who sought an end to the culture of visiting shrines of Sufi Islam in Kashmir. Several locals also raked up the debate over whether visiting these shrines amounted to ‘shirk’, an un-Islamic practice.
“Dear ‘Peer Sahab’! If you have your ‘Mureed’ (devotee) who is offering you gifts and money, why use the platform of ‘Ziyarats’ (shrines)? They may visit your home plz! How can you blackmail a ‘Zaayir’ (devotee) at a sacred place through walsa rath sa toubrukh and then di sa!! (accepting donations),” Mr. Mohiuddin wrote in a Facebook post.
To put the ‘mujavirs’ in a spot of bother, he also drew parallels between Peers and beggars. “If you are a government employee or a pensioner or a businessman, why are you still begging there? Aur agar aapko wahan baithnay mein sharm aati hai (if you feel ashamed of sitting there), then you contract out the spot literally through an auction? (sic)” the Facebook post said.
The narrative created by the Waqf officials pushed the debate beyond the “reformist” move and sparked discussions on a class war that has been brewing in Kashmir for decades. Hundreds of netizens ended up backing the move to oust “money-taking” ‘mujavirs’ from shrines. “Trust me, this is just the beginning! There are a lot of reforms to come! The new Waqf is targeting to achieve in months what could not be achieved in decades, In Sha Allah!! (sic),” it said.
‘No consultation on ban’
Cleric Shabir Ahmad Makhdoomi, who traces his lineage to Shiekh Hamza Makhdoom, a 16th-century Sufi mystic popularly known as Mehboob-ul-Alam or Sultan-ul-Aarifeen, describes the raids as “shameful and a matter of great regret”. “The raids were aimed at denting the image of the Peers. They looked deliberate and well-designed. If there was a complaint of forcible donations, the culprits could have been identified and barred from entering shrines.”
Mr. Makhdoomi, who claims he does not charge any money for leading prayers five times a day at the Makhdoom Sahib shrine, says the board did not make any effort to get in touch with the ‘mujavirs’ before ordering the ban. “There was no consultation. The issues could have been highlighted and addressed in a more mature way,” he says.
Mr. Makhdoomi says his father was a government employee who performed rituals for devotees and organised ‘khatam’, a recitation of Quranic verses and ‘naats’, from an allotted space in the shrine. On the charges of accepting donations and the Peers also having government jobs, he says, “Our family has been safeguarding and propagating the teachings of the saint. We would accept ‘haadi’ (money for performing rituals) like the saint himself did when he was alive. It is an Islamic practice followed in shrines across Kashmir. The money also goes towards organising ‘langars’ and setting up educational institutions. The Peers accept ‘haadi’ only from devotees who make wishes. Forcing people to shell out money is un-Islamic.”
He adds that the allegations levelled by the board against ‘mujavirs’ reek of bias. “Don’t farmers who have large tracts of land or an orchardist have the right to apply for government jobs? Will the government snatch their hereditary source of income too if they take up government jobs?”
Legal recourse
Khalid Geelani, a Sajada Nisheen, a caretaker by lineage of the Abdul Qadir Geelani shrine dedicated to an Iranian saint who founded the Qadiriyya school of Sufism, has decided to knock on the doors of the court against the board’s move. “The board’s actions are not to promote Sufism but to dilute the faith. They intend to turn shrines into business units, which is unfortunate. These are spiritual places whose primary objective is to safeguard religious teachings and propagate traditional ways of ‘Ibadah’ (worship) and devotion. The banning of ‘Nazr-o-Niyaz’ and the humiliation of ‘mujavirs’ will deter people from affiliating with shrines and devoting time to recite ‘naats’ and ‘khataams’,” says Mr. Geelani, who worked at a company in Dubai after securing an MBA degree.
He says taking on the mantle of the Sajada Nisheen after his father passed away in 2008 was not an easy decision. “I had no option but to quit my job to carry forward the legacy of Sufism. I am the only son in the family. It was a life-changing decision,” he says.
The Geelanis have been the caretakers of the Abdul Qadir Geelani shrine since 1684, when Hazrat Syed Mohammed Fazil Qadri, popularly known as Sakhi Shah, and his brother, Syed Abul Hassan Qadri, came to Kashmir. “It was due to the permanent stay of Sakhi Shah in Kashmir that thousands of people, including contemporary religious scholars, nobles, landlords, and leaders, joined the Sufi order of ‘Silsilai Qadria’. Hazrat Sakhi Shah Sahab belongs to the 18th generation of Hazrat Sheikh Abdul Qadir Jeelani. I am a direct descendant of the 21st generation. We are the caretakers of all the relics at the shrine,” says Mr. Geelani, who keeps the relics for public viewing on the occasion of the annual week-long Urs when lakhs of devotees throng the shrine.
The Geelanis claim that the saint is buried in the family graveyard and the land where the shrine sits was donated by them. “We have donated more than 18 kanals (2.25 acres) of land. We have also set up resting rooms, a place for women worshippers and a school for girls. When we ran the affairs decades before the Waqf Board came into being, the shrine increased in size and the followers multiplied. The results since the board’s takeover are there for all to see.”
Shown the door: The belongings of ‘mujavirs’ being removed from the shrine of Sheikh Hamza Makhdoom during a recent raid by the J&K Waqf Board in Srinagar.
| Photo Credit: NISSAR AHMAD
Struggle for survival
Mr. Geelani says ‘mujavirs’ are finding it difficult to support their families after the ban. “The Peers are central to the Sufi faith. If they are dislodged and their families left in penury, what will happen to the Sufi tradition? Is a shrine just a business unit?” he says.
There are 19 donation boxes of the Waqf Board and just three of the ‘mujavirs’ at the shrine, he says. The total collection helps 21 families associated with the shrine perform rituals and recite verses. At the Shah Hamdan shrine, the board has six donation boxes and the ‘mujavirs’ three, which were run by 16 families by taking turns every week.
“The ‘Nazr-o-Niyaz’ played a crucial role in providing funds to caretakers for organising ‘langars’ and buying eatables for the Urs and other special occasions. The Waqf Board should tell the people if it did anything for the shrine when it was gutted in 2012,” he says.
Huge salary outgo
According to Waqf Board chairperson Ms. Andrabi, a significant portion of the donations goes into the pockets of the ‘mujavirs’, leaving the board with reduced funds to open new hospitals and educational institutions. However, a closer look at its finances in 2019-20 shows that a whopping ₹15 crore of its annual revenue of ₹20 crore to ₹26 crore went towards paying the salaries of its staff.
The board is now in the process of working on creating a digital record of all its assets and properties. “The process of digitisation is in full swing. It will remain in the public domain and end possibilities of encroachments in the future,” Ms. Andrabi says.
Political observers see the BJP leader’s latest move as an attempt to tighten the grip of the party on the shrines in the Valley. Securing control of spiritual centres with capacity for mass outreach will help the BJP expand its voter base in J&K after the withdrawal of Article 370.
For decades now, different political parties have affiliated with the shrines to amplify their ideology. The Valley’s two main shrines — Shah Hamdan and Dargah Hazratbal — are seen to be closely linked with the National Conference.
More reforms in the offing
Tougher decisions are on the anvil for aligning the clergy to a new political reality. The Waqf Board is mulling legal proceedings in cases where land has been given on lease over “political considerations”. It aims to declare such land granted for residential purposes “null and void” under the Central Waqf Act. “Waqf land leased over political considerations to influential people will be cancelled shortly,” Ms. Andrabi says.
It is also planning to restructure the rent charged for using its properties to convert the board into “a productive enterprise”. “We have decided to take tough steps to manage the great Sufi shrines, and the board’s assets and properties as per the Central Waqf Act. We don’t have a problem with people doing business on our properties. We only have an issue with rent not being paid for several decades. These businessmen got away with not paying rent because they transferred large sums of money to the party fund. Such practices will come to an end now,” Ms. Andrabi says, without naming any regional party.
Fight to reclaim rights
Meanwhile, at the Shah Hamdan shrine, the ‘mujavirs’ are galvanising public support for their reinstatement even as the friction between them and the Waqf Board officials grows with each passing day. “We will educate people on Fridays on what is being done here. A bad practice of forcing devotees to offer donations could have been easily stopped by installing CCTV cameras. There is more to this move than meets the eye. We have not yet staged vociferous protests because we are still in talks with top officials. We will reclaim what we have owned for centuries, even if it means resorting to confrontation,” says Mr. Zahra as he enters the shrine for prayers under the glare of the Waqf Board officials.
